While authorities and the investor speak of jobs and development, 49 organizations and local communities from the Krivaja River basin have recently called for the immediate termination of the concession, warning that the consequences could extend to surrounding areas. Experts say the affected zone could span a radius of up to 120 kilometers, encompassing all major cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In these warnings, Bulqiza is often mentioned, a mining town in eastern Albania located at nearly the same distance from the capital Tirana as Vareš is from Bosnia’s capital Sarajevo, approximately 40 kilometres in a straight line.

Although chromium has been mined in Bulqiza for more than seven decades, this case does not serve as a direct analogy or a prediction of outcomes in Vareš. Instead, Bulqiza is used here as a documented case from practice, an illustration of the risks that emerge when natural resource extraction advances faster than institutional oversight and mechanisms of public accountability.

It is important to emphasize that Vareš today is not Bulqiza. These are different countries, with different legal frameworks and different stages of mining development. Precisely for that reason, the comparison is meaningful, not because of the towns themselves, but because of the institutional mechanisms involved. The focus of this investigation is on the transparency of concessions, the existence of environmental and health monitoring , particularly regarding hexavalent chromium Cr(VI), the management of tailings and mine water, and the balance between local benefits and local burdens.

On paper, the project appears straightforward: a strategic mineral needed by Europe and an investor promising new jobs.

The key question, experts warn, is whether institutions have the capacity to make such projects lawful, safe, and publicly accountable.

From Iron to Chromium: A Shift in the Mining Model in Vareš

In the mountainous Duboštica–Tribija area, above the Krivaja River basin, the company “Vareški minerali” d.o.o. Vareš, until recently registered as “Seven Plus” d.o.o. Sarajevo, was granted a concession for geological exploration and future chromium ore extraction. In the meantime, the project has become one of the most controversial issues in the Zenica-Doboj Canton: from initial secret negotiations and quiet forest clearing, through repeated inspection bans, to an open call for the concession to be urgently terminated.

For decades, Vareš was closely tied to mining. The town developed alongside the mine and ironworks, with infrastructure and public spaces built from revenues generated by the sector. This connection remains symbolically present today, from the urban heritage to the stained-glass window of Saint Barbara, the patron saint of miners, in the local church.

Priest Leon Pendić, who has served for many years at that very church in Vareš, believes that contemporary models of resource extraction no longer provide a sense of long-term security for the local community.

“It is deeply sad to see companies that come to our area focus solely on extracting as many resources as possible and taking them out of the community. How is it possible that our nature, land, forests, and ore are taken away, while no lasting benefit remains in return?” Pendić says in an interview with a journalist from the Gerila portal.

Today, some residents of Vareš now perceive mining as a process carried out without any meaningful involvement of the local community. This sense has been further reinforced by the experience with the existing Rupice mine, located on the outskirts of the town, which, after a series of ownership changes, was sold in June this year to the Canadian company Dundee Precious Metals for a staggering USD 1.25 billion, without any direct financial benefit for the Municipality of Vareš.

It was the current owner of “Vareški minerali”, Miloš Bošnjaković, who initiated the mining project in Rupice, which he later resold. Residents of the Vareš villages of Pržići and Daštansko suspect that they have been poisoned by lead due to the proximity of the mine’s tailings dump to their homes, a concern supported by analyses conducted in early December this year, which revealed the presence of lead in the blood of all 44 tested residents.

As a result, segments of the expert and environmental community warn that a similar pattern could be repeated in the Duboštica–Tribija area, with an additional risk: chromium ore, whose potential environmental and health impacts may be more severe than those associated with previous projects.

That is why, in conversations with local residents, the term “invasive mining” is being heard more and more often, used to describe a model in which economic benefits are achieved in the short term, while the long-term consequences are shifted onto the local area and its population.

What Does Chromium Mining Actually Mean?

In statements given exclusively for this investigative article, internationally recognised experts in toxicology, environmental chemistry, forestry, and hydrology warn that chromium mining in the Duboštica-Tribija area carries significant long-term environmental and public-health risks.

Professor Emeritus of Toxicology Dr. Jasenko Karamehić, a full professor at several international universities, warns that hexavalent chromium Cr(VI) is the most dangerous form of this metal and a proven carcinogen.

“The most common forms of chromium are metallic, trivalent and hexavalent chromium, with hexavalent chromium being highly toxic and classified as a carcinogenic substance. Hexavalent chromium causes damage to genetic material, and there is no safe threshold of exposure,” Karamehić states.

He cautions that mining activities can lead to the transformation of trivalent chromium into its more toxic hexavalent form, even when Cr(VI) is not initially present in the ore.

“Exposure does not occur only in the workplace, but also through dust, water, and food,” Karamehić emphasizes, noting that the risk does not necessarily remain confined to the mining site.

A similar assessment is offered by Dr. Ulla B. Vogel, a toxicologist and professor at the National Research Centre for the Working Environment (NFA) in Copenhagen.

Vogel explains that hexavalent chromium is considered particularly toxic and hazardous in biomonitoring precisely because of its carcinogenicity.

She stresses that Cr(VI) is a proven human carcinogen, strictly regulated within the European Union, and classified as a non-threshold carcinogen.

“This means that there is no safe level of exposure; instead, limit values are based on an acceptable level of risk,” she explains.

She also warns that the danger is not limited to occupational settings.

“If hexavalent chromium is released into the air or water, it can pose a threat to the general population living near industrial facilities or mining sites,” Vogel says, recalling the well-known case of groundwater contamination in Hinkley, California, which became widely known through the film Erin Brockovich.

According to Vogel, the causal link between inhalation of hexavalent chromium and the risk of lung cancer is well documented, allowing for risk assessments at different exposure levels. She therefore concludes that chemical risk assessment is essential, and that any indication of potential Cr(VI) release into the environment must trigger a more detailed exposure assessment and consideration of preventive measures.

Dr. Dragana Đorđević, lead researcher and head of the Centre of Excellence for Environmental Chemistry and Engineering at the University of Belgrade, warns that hexavalent chromium can spread through water, air, and soil, including through secondary chemical reactions originating from naturally occurring trivalent chromium.

“Rainfall washes tailings, contamination enters surface and groundwater, and then moves into the food chain,” Đorđević explains, warning that the long-term consequences of such exposure are often irreversible.

She emphasizes that the risk is inherent to the very nature of chromium ore, even in mines limited to extraction and crushing.

In particular, she warns that old tailings sites and abandoned waste dumps are often a greater source of pollution than active facilities, because they have been exposed for decades to rain, snow, wind, and other weather conditions.

She describes long-term exposure to hexavalent chromium as a health risk with often irreversible consequences, ranging from cancers of the lungs, sinuses, and gastrointestinal tract to damage to the liver, kidneys, and DNA, as well as thyroid disorders and impaired child development.

The Krivaja River as a Sensitive Ecosystem

Dalibor Ballian, professor at the Faculty of Forestry of the University of Sarajevo and a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, warns that the construction of a chromium mine in the Krivaja River basin would have serious consequences for local ecosystems.

“With the construction of a new chromium mine, we would lose flora and fauna, as well as clean air and water. The state of the Krivaja River would be such that there would be neither fish nor crayfish in it, there would not even be bacteria. If this mine is built, it will be an ecological atomic bomb for the surrounding area and the Krivaja River, because everything within a radius of about 120 kilometres, including all major cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, would be contaminated with hexavalent chromium, which is extremely toxic to human health,” Ballian emphasizes.

Professor Karamehić agrees with him:

“Contamination can spread across a wide area, especially when it concerns a large territory, from Vareš within a radius of 50, and probably up to 100 kilometres, where pollution could have serious and long-term consequences for human health and the environment.”

Similar warnings come from Muriz Spahić, one of the leading hydrologists in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a former professor at the Faculty of Science of the University of Sarajevo. He explains that hexavalent chromium can appear as a by-product of mining and spread rapidly through carbonate rock formations, reaching drinking water sources.

“The toxin accumulates in sediments, enters the food chain, and the damage can be long-lasting and difficult to reverse,” Spahić warns.

Environmental organizations therefore insist that the project should not be viewed merely as an investment, but as a public health issue affecting the entire Krivaja basin, from Vareš to downstream communities.

A Critical Mineral in a Critical Landscape

Chromium is a key raw material for stainless steel, renewable energy infrastructure, electric vehicles, and the military industry, which is why it has been included in the European Union’s list of critical raw materials.

In theory, a chromium mine in Bosnia and Herzegovina could fit into the EU’s development strategy. In practice, Ballian warns, the planned project is located in one of the country’s most ecologically valuable forest areas.

“These are not degraded lands, but highly productive forests. Once the mineral base is removed, their recovery takes generations,” Ballian emphasizes.

According to available data, the concession area covers approximately 3,200 hectares between the existing Rupice mine and the planned site in Duboštica.

In European practice, projects of this kind are accompanied by publicly accessible concessions, independent environmental and health monitoring, including measurements of hexavalent chromium,and financial guarantees for remediation.

The absence of these mechanisms in the early stages often later proves to be a structural weakness in natural resource governance.

A Concession Without Access, Questions Without Answers

While forest roads are being cut through the terrain and exploration works are underway on the ground, the concession contract for Duboštica-Tribija near the Bosnian town of Vareš remains unavailable to the public.

Civil society organizations and journalists have for months attempted to obtain the contract signed between Seven Plus (now Vareški minerali) and the Government of the Zenica-Doboj Canton. Institutional responses, ranging from outright refusals to references to “business secrets”, have prevented access to a document that, under the law, should be public.

As a result, 49 organizations and local communities from the Krivaja basin submitted an Open Letter to the cantonal government, demanding the termination of the concession. One of the signatories, Davor Šupuković from the eco association Fojničani, says that the key issue is the failure to meet contractual deadlines.

“The works did not begin within the agreed timeframe, yet were later presented as having started. This provides clear grounds for terminating the concession,” Šupuković says.

According to his statements, the public is only aware that the ongoing concession fee amounts to €0.76 per tonne of ore, and a one-time payment of €76.7 per hectare of land, while the full content of the contract remains undisclosed.

Under decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the disposal of state property, including forests, land, and natural resources,is restricted until a state law on state property is adopted, a regime that applies across the entire country. The Office of the High Representative (OHR) has a mandate to intervene precisely in situations where political agreement is lacking, making state property one of the most sensitive constitutional issues in BiH.

Despite this framework, works on state-owned forest land in Vareš began without the consent of the BiH State Attorney’s Office. On 20 August 2025, the Federal Forestry Inspectorate requested a legal opinion from the State Attorney’s Office regarding the legality of permits for logging and land-use conversion. By the time of publication, no response had been issued, while the investor continued its activities.

Some legal experts and civil society organizations link this situation to potential violations of Constitutional Court decisions and the mandate of the High Representative.

“Decisions were made without public hearings and without the participation of the local community, based solely on a decision of the Vareš Municipal Council. This raises serious questions about compliance with the existing legal framework,” Šupuković states.

Inquiries sent by the editorial team to the Ministry of Economy of the Zenica-Doboj Canton resulted only in general responses, without clarification of key disputed issues. The Office of the Cantonal Prime Minister, as well as Vareški minerali, had not responded to our questions by the time of publication.

A Legal Vacuum as a Pattern

For Davor Šupuković, the Duboštica–Tribija case is not an isolated incident, but part of a broader pattern in which legal gaps and weak institutional oversight are used as a framework for launching investments in environmentally sensitive areas.

According to him, the valid spatial plan dating back to the former Yugoslavia designated this area,including the Krivaja River, for protection, while a new Spatial Plan of the Federation of BiH has never been adopted. This legal vacuum, he argues, allows for divergent interpretations and selective application of rules, especially when it comes to the most valuable natural resources.

Šupuković recalls that similar investment attempts were recorded at other sites, such as Mount Ozren, where projects were halted following resistance from local communities. In this context, pressures on activists and residents in certain areas have already been documented through criminal complaints and official records, which is why some sources insisted on anonymity.

“Development itself is not being challenged; what is being insisted on are lawful, transparent, and institutionally controlled investments,” Šupuković concludes.

Expert Assessments and the Limits of “Green Mining”

While cantonal authorities present the project as a development opportunity, parts of the expert community warn that terms such as “modern” and “green mining” are often used without clear and verifiable mechanisms for environmental protection.

Professor Dalibor Ballian notes that Bosnia and Herzegovina already has around 100,000 hectares of land formally designated as reclaimed, which in practice bears the characteristics of industrially degraded terrain. In that context, an additional 3,200 hectares, stretching from Rupice to Duboštica, would be brought under a new concession.

“The restoration of forest and aquatic ecosystems after mining is measured in decades, and a full return to their original state is not realistic within existing institutional frameworks,” Ballian warns.

Similar reservations are expressed by mining professionals.

Aziz Kaknjašević, a mining engineer from Olovo, points out that the planned project entails multiple potential sources of pollution, alongside unresolved questions regarding legality and compliance with decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

According to experts, claims of “controlled” or “green” chromium mining in sensitive ecosystems are deeply problematic and, in practice, almost unattainable. As Dr Dragana Đorđević explains, such claims are based on attempts to technically reduce certain risks rather than eliminate them, particularly when it comes to hexavalent chromium.

Even in cases where only chromite is extracted as the primary chromium-bearing mineral, and where mining waste is formally disposed of in a “controlled” manner, the mere exposure of the mineral to air, water, and soil triggers natural chemical reactions that cannot be stopped. Mining waste, she emphasizes, remains in the environment for decades or even centuries, while so-called control measures are typically designed for only a few decades.

“Guaranteeing the chemical stability of millions of tons of tailings over such long periods, under the influence of precipitation, frost, changes in pH, and biological processes, is unrealistic”, Đorđević stresses.

Erosion and runoff control, she adds, is only feasible with continuous, active maintenance and oversight even after mine closure, raising a fundamental question of responsibility.

Who will finance and supervise such systems for the next 100 or 1,000 years? International experience, she notes, shows that so-called “passive maintenance” after investors leave often turns into abandonment, especially in the face of extreme weather events, large-scale floods, earthquakes, institutional collapse, or corporate bankruptcy.

“At that point, it becomes clear that ‘green mining’ exists mostly on paper,” she concludes.

Local Perspective: Experience and Distrust

Concerns that Bosnia and Herzegovina is increasingly being treated as a space for intensive resource extraction are widely shared among residents of Vareš.

Miroslav Pejčinović, president of the initiative committee of the association Opstanak, which emerged precisely out of fears related to chromium mining, says that opposition to the project stems from experiences with the existing Rupice mine.

He also points to what he sees as a pattern aimed at securing social acceptance of the project, through donations to local sports and cultural organizations, while noting that the value of extracted resources is not returned to the community through concession fees.

“If this model continues, Bosnia and Herzegovina risks becoming a place where priority is given to exploitation rather than long-term development and the preservation of communities,” he says.

Chromium and the Military Industry: An Open Question

Beyond environmental and legal concerns, some signatories of the initiative also raise the question of the final use of the ore. According to available information, chromium from the planned mine could be used in the military industry, particularly for the production of specialized steels.

Data from the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) confirm that chromium and ferrochromium are considered strategic materials due to their use in armored vehicles, military structures, jet engines, and gas turbines.

In this context, activist Davor Šupuković poses a question that goes beyond technical and economic considerations:

“Should Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a post-war society, participate in military production supply chains?”

Institutional Response: An Initiative in the Zenica-Doboj Cantonal Assembly

The initiative to terminate the concession agreement for the Duboštica-Tribija area, launched by local communities and civil society organizations from the Krivaja River basin, has recently gained an institutional follow-up in the Assembly of the Zenica-Doboj Canton.

At the 46th session of the Cantonal Assembly, held on 27 November, Damir Memić, head of the SDP parliamentary caucus, formally submitted the initiative into parliamentary procedure, citing citizen demands and documented objections regarding the process of granting and implementing the concession.

This marked the first time that the planned chromium mine was formally addressed at the cantonal political level. The further course of events will depend on the stance of the parliamentary majority and the assessment of competent institutions regarding the legality of the existing contract.

What Albania Tells Us: Bulqiza as a Mirror of the Future

Several hundred kilometers to the southeast, in Bulqiza, Albania, chromium mining has been ongoing for decades and is often cited as an example of what happens when extraction expands faster than institutional oversight. Bulqiza is not a story of the past, but of accumulated consequences of long-term exploitation within a system characterized by dozens of operators and a complex mosaic of permits.

Upon arriving in the town, the most striking impression is not left by the mine shafts, but by the people’s faces.

“Did you see people’s faces when you drove into town?” miner Luli Alla asked our reporter as soon as they sat down.

“Wrinkled, tired, drained. Everyone here has at least one family member working in the mine.”

The miner describes a community in which “almost every family” has someone working in the mines, adding that, in his experience, many miners do not reach old age after years of hard labor.

In the Dibër region, beneath the town lies one of the largest chromium deposits in Europe, while on the surface a stark contrast is visible between mineral wealth and social conditions.

At the same time, institutional capacity for systematic monitoring of environmental and social impacts remains limited. The Municipality of Bulqiza confirms that it does not maintain an official registry of citizen complaints related to the mine’s impact on daily life.

Although Albania has opened negotiations under Cluster 4, including Chapter 27 of the EU acquiswhich requires greater transparency, stronger environmental oversight, and more effective inspectionsBulqiza demonstrates how complex this process is in environments where mining activities have long preceded control mechanisms.

Bulqiza: A City and a Mine as One System

Bulqiza lies in a narrow valley of the Dibër mountain range, on terrain composed of ultrabasic serpentinite rocks. Mining galleries begin directly above the urban core, while slopes and spaces between neighborhoods are surrounded by tailings and sterile material accumulated over decades. The message of the landscape is clear: the mine is not next to the cityit is an integral part of it.

Chromium mining began in 1948. In 75 years, more than 15 million tonnes of chromite ore were extracted from the Bulqiza massif, making the area Albania’s main mining center for more than half a century.

After the 1990s, with the transition to a market economy, the mining massif was fragmented into dozens of parcels and a large number of licenses were issued. A mining expert and Bulqiza residentwho requested anonymity due to professional and institutional repercussionsdescribes this turning point as follows:

“After the 1990s, the mine was broken up and the technical chain collapsed. Old galleries are used without control, with shared entrances, and many companies fail to comply with basic protocols. This has increased risks for both workers and the environment.”

According to him, parts of the old galleries remain unmarked and structurally unsafe, while the Zone D water-collection line running from Gallery B down to Gallery A is in extremely poor condition, with deteriorated pipes left exposed along the entire route to the city’s reservoirs. He adds that polluted water from certain tunnels is discharged beneath the city without systematic measurement, monitoring, or remediation.

“We know that chromium is the backbone of Bulqiza’s economy, but life in the city has become increasingly difficult,” he adds.

127 Licenses on a One Single Massif

The National Agency of Natural Resources (AKBN) told Faktoje.al on 12 November 2025 that there are currently 116 active mining licenses in the Bulqiza massif. In 2018, this figure reached as high as 127.

An analysis of the issued licenses reveals a highly fragmented mining system. A large number of permits were granted between 1999 and 2008, during the early liberalization of the mining sector. Today, multiple operators work simultaneously within the same geological bodies and around shared mine shafts. Oversight is further complicated by the combination of licenses for ore extraction and permits for the disposal of sterile material, dispersing responsibility among different actors.

“When the mine was divided into small units, the technical chain collapsed. This increased risks for both workers and the environment,” says an experienced mining expert from Bulqiza, who requested anonymity due to professional and institutional pressure.

Institutional Blind Spots: Oversight Without Real Control

On paper, the regulatory framework appears comprehensive, but in practice oversight of mining is fragmented and poorly coordinated.

The National Agency of Natural Resources (AKBN) oversees the issuance of licenses, technical and economic plans, and financial guarantees for site remediation. However, according to its own statements, it does not monitor pollution or the management of mining waste, limiting its role to checking technical compliance with licenses.

At the same time, the National Environmental Agency (AKM) primarily supervises operators holding valid environmental permits, meaning that activities carried out without permits remain outside institutional oversight.

Labor and social protection inspections focus on workplace safety and labor rights, without a mandate to assess the overall environmental or public health impacts of mining. In such a system, where no single institution has oversight over the entire mining chain, responsibility is dispersed and effective control remains limited.

The core problem is systemic fragmentation of responsibility: there is no institution mandated to oversee the full mining cycle.

No Eyes on the Ground: Gaps in Environmental Monitoring

Data from the National Environmental Agency (AKM) show that there are no stations for monitoring air and water quality in Bulqiza. At the same time, according to AKM, only two administrative measures have been imposed on licensed operators over the past five year, sagainst the companies Albtani 08 Konstruksion and Global Enterprise Groupfor violations of permit conditions, failure to submit documentation and for mining waste.

By contrast, a local expert who requested anonymity claims that environmental permit conditions are frequently violated, and that around 80 % of inspected companies have been found in breach of regulations or without a license when monitored by the Ministry of the Environment, and they are still wokring.

During the last quarter of 2024, 26 administrative measures were imposed by AKM on companies operating in Bulqiza for non-compliance with environmental regulations. This sharp increase points both to the scale of the problem and to the predominantly reactive nature of existing oversight.

Local Authorities: A Limited Role

The Municipality of Bulqiza states that no local public hearings have been organized by them with the citizens regarding mining in the area. The municipality claims that mining activities “mostly take place in remote mountainous areas,” which, according to them, explains the absence of recorded complaints at the local level. The municipality has no authority over environmental permits, which fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Tourism and Environment.

The Municipality of Bulqiza also states that it has no data on drinking-water pollution or soil contamination resulting from mining activity. It further confirms that there are no emergency response plans, population relocation strategies, or long-term development visions exist for the period following the depletion of chromium reserves.

The National Inspectorate for Territorial Protection (IKMT) notes that its Directorate for Environmental and Water Inspection was established only at the end of 2020, meaning that earlier institutional oversight was extremely limited.

Since the Directorate’s establishment, IKMT has carried out 12 inspections in the Bulqiza mining zone, resulting in administrative measures against eight companiesfor violations such as illegal disposal of inert waste and other breaches of environmental regulations. At the same time, the Inspectorate confirms that no mining operation has ever been suspended due to environmental pollution or safety risks.

A Decade of Accidents and Weak Protection of Workers’ Rights

The most detailed institutional insight into safety conditions in Bulqiza’s mining sector comes from data provided by the Labour and Social Services Inspectorate. According to official statistics, 804 inspections were carried out in the mining and quarrying sector in the Dibër district between January 2016 and September 2025.

Most inspections (73%) were planned, while 26% were conducted following workplace accidents, and only 2% were initiated based on reports filed by workers themselves. During the same period, 194 workplace accidents were recorded, 31 of them fatal.

The Inspectorate reports that administrative measures were imposed in 85% of cases following accidentsranging from warnings and temporary work stoppages to financial penalties. In total, 596 sanctions were issued, the majority of which were warnings (63%), while work suspensions due to safety violations and serious breaches of labour rights accounted for roughly one third of all measures. The total value of fines amounted to 7,73 million lek (approximately €73,000).

The most common violations included the absence or outdated risk assessments, non-functional occupational safety mechanisms, lack of medical services, and inadequate use of protective equipment. Taken together, the data point to a system that responds after accidents occur, even though mining in Bulqiza is formally classified as a high-risk sector.

Limited Public Health Oversight

Albania’s Institute of Public Health (ISHP) confirms that no testing of drinking water for hexavalent chromium has been conducted in Bulqiza for at least ten years. Instead, analyses have been limited to total chromium, in line with national standards. According to ISHP, all tested samples fell within permitted limits under those criteria.

ISHP also states that it does not conduct systematic medical examinations of miners, nor does it implement occupational health or rehabilitation programs. Epidemiological monitoring is limited to general registries of non-communicable diseases. The available data indicate that cardiovascular diseases and cancers are most prevalent in Bulqiza, followed by injuries and respiratory illnesses.

The Ministry of Health confirmed that it does not possess data on occupational diseases among miners, stating that this responsibility falls under the jurisdiction of the Labour Inspectorate.

Oversight Absent Where It Is Most Needed

The Ministry of Infrastructure and Energy, responsible for licenses, technical inspections, subcontractors, mine closure plans, and assessments of chromium reserves, failed to respond to freedom of information requests submitted by the Faktoje portal on 29 October 2025.

As a result, data on concession holders, operators without environmental permits, informal subcontractors, remediation plans, technical inspections conducted over the past five years, and oversight of contractual obligations remain unavailable. Viewed as a whole, the system in Bulqiza reflects structural fragmentation, in which no single institution oversees the full extraction cycle.

Albanian environmental expert Danjel Bica warns that although companies are legally required to pay environmental fees and provide financial guarantees, not a single gallery or degraded area in Bulqiza has been fully rehabilitated after decades of mining. He identifies company self-reporting, rare inspections, and the absence of independent verification as key weaknesses.

Although chromium in Bulqiza is predominantly present in its trivalent form, no institution has assessed the possibility of its oxidation into hexavalent chromium in mine watersa fact also confirmed by ISHP data.

“Without targeted analysis of hexavalent chromium, it is impossible to assess the real impact of mining on water quality,” Bica warns.

Tailings as a Permanent Risk

A particularly serious issue is the uncontrolled disposal of mining tailings, which have accumulated for decades near mine shafts, on steep slopes, and close to residential areas. Such practices significantly increase the risks of erosion, landslides, and water contamination.

Field documentation collected by the Faktoje portal shows massive piles of tailings altering natural surfaces.

The National Agency of Natural Resources (AKBN) confirms that companies are responsible for monitoring their own waste, with the system relying heavily on self-reporting.

Overlapping mandates further weaken oversight: AKBN does not assess pollution, AKM supervises only permitted operators, the municipality keeps no record of complaints, and IKMT confirms that it has never suspended mining operations due to environmental damage.

Local journalist Sami Curri, who has covered Bulqiza for more than a decade, describes a city shaped by economic dependence, fear, and institutional invisibility.

According to him, space for public dissent is extremely limited, and workplace accidents are rarely fully investigated. On average, two to three miners die each year, while responsibility is often shifted onto the workers themselves.

Although health institutions are required to report serious injuries, miners rarely speak publicly for fear of losing their jobs or being stigmatized. Curri notes that air pollution and land degradation are visible, but that no institution has ever issued a formal warning regarding heavy metals in drinking water.

Asked whether Bulqiza derives any real benefit from mining, his answer is brief: “No.”

According According to Curri, an annual mining royalty of 150-200 thousand Euro is not enough to pave even 2 km of road.

Why People Remain Silent

Our sources say that fear is a defining feature of public life in Bulqiza. Longtime miner Luli Alla explains that people rarely speak out because a large number of families depend directly on the mine.

“This is a small town. People remember who said what.”

The families of miners who were victims of fatal accidents also maintain their silence. One widow of a miner declined to speak to us, saying that previous media attention had not led to change, but only reopened personal trauma.

These testimonies point to a community in which the consequences of mining are borne privately, while institutional responses remain limited.

Miners Without Legal Status

For more than a decade, the Together Movement (LB), has advocated for the adoption of a special legal status for miners in Albania, aimed at providing statutory and social protection for workers in one of the country’s most hazardous sectors.

“Mining is the most dangerous profession in Albania, and it is unacceptable for it to function without specific legal guarantees,” says the activist of the LB, Emiljando Kita.

The situation is compounded by weak union representation. As Xhuljano Bregasi the activist of the LB, points out, the 2019 founding of the United Miners’ Union of Bulqizë (SMBB) was met with repression. Several union leaders, including its president, were fired by AlbChrome shortly after the union’s establishment.

In 2020, the Together Movement and The United Miners’ Union of Bulqizë submitted a petition with more than 11 thousand signatures to parliament, calling for early retirement, healthcare coverage, and compensation for occupational diseases. The institutions never issued a formal response, and activists describe years of responsibility being passed between ministries.

According to Kita, the key reason for the lack of reform is the political and fiscal cost, as such legislation would increase obligations for both the state and the large private companies dominating the sector.

Large Revenues, But for Whom?

AlbChrome, the largest operator in the chromium mining sector in Bulqizë, was acquired in January 2022 by Turkey’s Yıldırım Group through its mining subsidiary Yılmaden Holding, after previously being owned by Albania’s BALFIN Group.

The takeover linked Bulqizë more directly to Yılmaden’s broader international supply chain; however, labour tensions have continued, In 2025, miners protested over wages, including demands for a 10% increase that they said had not been delivered.

According to Albania’s Ministry of Finance, the mining royalty transferred to the Municipality of Bulqiza totalled 213 million lek (€2,13 million) from 2015 to September 2025. Since Law No. 9975 “On National Taxes” allocates only 5% of mining-royalty revenue to the local government where extraction occurs, this implies that the central state collected has been roughly 4.26 billion lek (€42,6 million) from the same royalty stream over that period.

The Ministry does not have data on environmental remediation, the use of financial guarantees, or local reinvestment of revenues. Local journalist Sami Curri notes that the amounts received by the municipality are insufficient for any meaningful infrastructure investment.

Albania is formally obliged to align its legislation with EU environmental directives, including Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) rules, the Mining Waste Directive, and the Water Framework Directive. The European Commission has repeatedly called for stronger inspections and oversight.

However, the Bulqiza case reveals a persistent gap between regulation and practice: the absence of health and environmental monitoring, fragmented permits, unsafe working conditions, and limited institutional accountability.

A Double Paradox: Green Transition and Environmental Pressure in the Western Balkans

Experiences from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania highlight the complex relationship between Europe’s environmental ambitions and the realities of mineral extraction. Chromium is a key raw material for modern technologies, including renewable energy systems and electric vehicles, yet examples such as Bulqiza show that its exploitation can have serious consequences for water resources, forest ecosystems, and air quality, especially in the absence of systematic studies and continuous monitoring.

In strategic documents, the European Union emphasizes sustainable supply chains and the integration of the region into the green transition. In practice, however, the application of these principles on the ground remains uncertainparticularly in environments with weaker institutions and limited mechanisms of public oversight.

In this context, Bosnia and Herzegovina stands at a crossroads. Unlike Albania, which has faced the consequences of intensive chromium mining for decades, BiH is only entering this phase. This creates an opportunity to establish clear standards and proceduresor, if oversight fails, to repeat patterns already seen elsewhere in the region.

The green transition is therefore not only a technical issue, but also a democratic one: how much local communities are involved in decision-making, whether concession contracts are public, and who defines the public interest.

In the case of Vareš, the available data do not indicate a strong institutional response. Local authorities support the project, but at the same time withhold key information from the local population, which may in the future have to live next to the mine. Moreover, the local community has had almost no, or very limited, financial benefit from the sale of the Rupice mine.

At the cantonal level, institutions have for a prolonged period invoked business secrecy to deny the public in Bosnia and Herzegovina access to the concession contract, while the responses of state-level institutions, including the BiH Attorney’s Office and the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, came late or, in some cases, were entirely absent.

For these reasons, civil society organizations and local communities insist that chromium mining must be treated as a systemic issue, not a local oneone with implications at the cantonal, entity, and state levels.

Before the Consequences Become Irreversible…

For part of the local community and civil society organizations in Vareš, the demand is clear: termination of the concession, suspension of all activities by the company “Vareški minerali”, and a reconsideration of development models that entail long-term environmental and public health risks.

For the investor, such an outcome would mean loss of invested capital and reputational damage. For the cantonal authorities, it would imply acknowledging that the concession process was conducted with serious procedural and legal shortcomings, including missed deadlines and the disregard of decisions by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

For the residents of the Krivaja River valley, the dilemma is far less abstract. It comes down to the quality of water, land, and life in the decades ahead: whether the river will remain part of everyday use or become an industrial receptacle; whether forest ecosystems will remain intact or be permanently altered.

In this sense, the initiative launched by 49 organizations and local communities goes beyond a single project. It raises a broader question of institutional accountability and the state’s capacity to manage natural resources in the public interest.

The experience of Bulqiza shows what happens when extraction outpaces oversight.

Whether Vareš will follow the same pathor whether the outcome will be differentremains a decision being made now, one whose consequences will last far longer than a single concession agreement.

Authors: Jona Cenameri and Dejan Rakita

December 2025

The post Bosnia, Albania and Chromium: How “Green” Is “Green Mining” in the Balkans? first appeared on Gerila.info.

Dok vlasti i investitor govore o radnim mjestima i razvoju, 49 organizacija i lokalnih zajednica iz sliva rijeke Krivaje zatražilo je nedavno hitan raskid koncesije, upozoravajući da bi posljedice mogle zahvatiti i područja u okolini. Stručnjaci kažu da bi ugroženo područje obuhvatilo okolinu u radijusu 120 kilometara, zahvatajući sve najveće bosanskohercegovačke gradove.

U tim upozorenjima često se pominje Bulqiza, rudarski grad na istoku Albanije, koji se nalazi na gotovo identičnoj udaljenosti od glavnog grada Tirane kao što je Vareš od bosanske prestonice Sarajeva, oko 40 kilometara vazdušne linije.

Iako se hrom u Bulqizi eksploatiše više od sedam decenija, ovaj slučaj ne služi kao direktna analogija niti predviđanje ishoda u Varešu. Bulqiza se u ovom kontekstu koristi kao dokumentovan primjer iz prakse, odnosno ilustracija rizika koji se otvaraju u situacijama gdje eksploatacija prirodnih resursa nadmašuje institucionalni nadzor i mehanizme javne odgovornosti.

Važno je naglasiti da Vareš danas nije Bulqiza. Riječ je o različitim državama, zakonima i fazama rudarstva. Upravo zato poređenje ima smisla: ne zbog gradova, već zbog institucionalnih mehanizama. U fokusu ove priče su transparentnost koncesija, postojanje okolišnog i zdravstvenog monitoringa — posebno kada je riječ o heksavalentnom hromu Cr(VI) — upravljanje jalovinom i rudničkim vodama, te odnos između lokalne koristi i lokalnog tereta.

Na papiru, projekat izgleda jednostavno: strateški mineral potreban Evropi i investitor koji obećava nova radna mjesta.

Ključno pitanje, upozoravaju stručnjaci, jeste da li institucije imaju kapacitet da ovakve projekte učine zakonitim, bezbjednim i javno odgovornim.

Od željeza do hroma: Promjena modela rudarstva u Varešu

U planinskom pojasu Duboštica–Tribija, iznad sliva rijeke Krivaje, kompanija „Vareški minerali“ d.o.o. Vareš, do nedavno registrovana kao „Seven Plus“ d.o.o. Sarajevo, dobila je koncesiju za geološka istraživanja i buduću eksploataciju rude hroma. U međuvremenu, projekat je prerastao u jedno od najkontroverznijih pitanja u Zeničko-dobojskom kantonu: od prvih tajnih pregovora i tihog krčenja šume, preko dvostrukih zabrana inspekcijama, do otvorenog poziva da se koncesija hitno raskine.

Vareš je decenijama bio vezan za rudarstvo. Grad se razvijao uz rudnik i željezaru, a infrastruktura i javni prostori građeni su prihodima iz tog sektora. Ta veza i danas je simbolički prisutna — od urbanog nasljeđa do vitraža svete Barbare, zaštitnice rudara, u lokalnoj crkvi.

Sveštenik Leon Pendić, koji godinama služi upravo u toj crkvi u Varešu, smatra da savremeni modeli eksploatacije više ne stvaraju osjećaj dugoročne sigurnosti u zajednici.

„Veoma je tužno kada vidimo da kompanije koje dolaze u naš kraj gledaju isključivo kako da što više eksploatišu resurse i da ih iznesu van zajednice. Kako je moguće da nam se oduzima priroda, zemlja, šume i ruda, a da zauzvrat ne ostaje trajna korist?“, kaže Pendić u razgovoru sa novinarom portala Gerila.

Dio stanovnika Vareša rudarstvo danas doživljava kao proces koji se odvija bez stvarnog učešća lokalne zajednice. Taj osjećaj pojačan je iskustvom sa već postojećeg rudnika Rupice, koji se nalazi na obodu ovog bosanskog gradića, koji je kroz niz vlasničkih promjena prodat u junu ove godine kanadskoj kompaniji Dundee Precious Metals za nevjerovatnih 1,25 milijardi dolara, bez direktne finansijske koristi za opštinu Vareš.

Upravo je priču oko rudnika u Rupicama pokrenuo sadašnji vlasnik „Vareških minerala“ – Miloš Bošnjaković, a koji je to kasnije preprodao. Stanovnici Vareških sela Pržići i Daštansko sumnjaju da su otrovani olovom zbog blizine jalovišta ovog rudnika njihovim kućama, a na to ukazuju i analize urađene početkom decembra ove godine a koje su pokazale prisutnost olova u krvi kod svih 44 testiranih mještana.

Zbog toga dio stručne i ekološke javnosti upozorava da se sličan obrazac može ponoviti i na području Duboštica–Tribija, uz dodatni rizik: riječ je o rudi hroma, čiji potencijalni okolišni i zdravstveni efekti mogu biti ozbiljniji od onih kod ranijih projekata.

Zato se u razgovoru sa mještanima sve češće čuje pojam „invazivno rudarstvo“, kojim opisuju model u kojem se ekonomska korist ostvaruje u kratkom roku, dok se dugoročne posljedice prebacuju na lokalni prostor i stanovništvo.

Šta znači rudariti hrom?

U izjavama datim ekskluzivno za ovaj istraživački članak, međunarodno priznati stručnjaci iz oblasti toksikologije, okolišne hemije, šumarstva i hidrologije upozoravaju da eksploatacija hroma na području Duboštica–Tribija nosi značajne dugoročne okolišne i zdravstvene rizike.

Profesor emeritus toksikologije dr Jasenko Karamehić, redovni profesor na više međunarodnih univerziteta, upozorava da je šestovalentni hrom Cr(VI) najopasniji oblik ovog metala i dokazani kancerogen.

„Najčešći oblici hroma su metalni, trovalentni i šestovalentni hrom, pri čemu je šestovalentni hrom jako toksičan i razvrstan u kancerogene tvari. Šestovalentni hrom uzrokuje oštećenje genetskog materijala i ne postoji prag sigurne izloženosti“, navodi Karamehić.

On upozorava da tokom rudarenja može doći do transformacije trovalentnog hroma u njegov toksičniji oblik, čak i kada se u rudi inicijalno ne nalazi šestovalentni hrom.

„Izloženost se ne dešava samo na radnom mjestu, već i putem prašine, vode i hrane“, ističe Karamehić, naglašavajući da se rizik ne zadržava nužno na lokaciji kopa.

Sličan stav iznosi i dr Ulla B. Vogel, toksikologinja i profesorica pri Nacionalnom istraživačkom centru za radnu okolinu (NFA) u Kopenhagenu.

Vogel objašnjava da se šestovalentni hrom u biomonitoringu smatra posebno toksičnim i opasnim upravo zbog svoje kancerogenosti.

Ona naglašava da je šestovalentni hrom dokazani humani kancerogen, strogo regulisan u Evropskoj uniji i klasifikovan kao kancerogen bez praga (non-threshold carcinogen).

„To znači da ne postoji siguran nivo izloženosti; umjesto toga, granične vrijednosti zasnivaju se na prihvatljivom nivou rizika“, objašnjava ona.

Takođe upozorava da se rizik ne mora zadržati isključivo na radnim mjestima.

„Ako se šestovalentni hrom oslobađa u vazduh ili vodu, to može predstavljati prijetnju i za opštu populaciju koja živi u blizini industrijskih postrojenja ili rudarskih lokacija“, kaže Vogel, podsjećajući na poznati slučaj kontaminacije podzemnih voda u Hinkleyju u Kaliforniji, koji je široj javnosti postao poznat kroz film Erin Brockovich.

Prema njenim riječima, uzročno-posljedična veza između udisanja šestovalentnog hroma i rizika od raka pluća dobro je dokumentovana, što omogućava procjene rizika za različite nivoe izloženosti. Zbog toga zaključuje da je hemijska procjena rizika neophodna, te da svaka indicija mogućeg ispuštanja šestovalentnog hroma  u okoliš mora biti signal za detaljniju procjenu izloženosti i razmatranje preventivnih mjera.

Dr Dragana Đorđević, glavna istraživačica i rukovoditeljica Centra izvrsnosti za okolišnu hemiju i inženjerstvo pri Univerzitetu u Beogradu, upozorava da se šestovalentni hrom može širiti vodom, vazduhom i zemljištem, uključujući sekundarne hemijske reakcije iz prirodno prisutnog trovalentnog hroma.

„Padavine ispiru jalovišta, zagađenje ulazi u površinske i podzemne vode, a zatim i u lanac ishrane“, navodi Đorđević, upozoravajući da su dugoročne posljedice takve izloženosti često nepovratne.

Dr Đorđević naglašava da je opasnost povezana sa samom prirodom rude hroma, čak i u rudnicima koji podrazumijevaju isključivo vađenje i mljevenje rude.

Posebno upozorava da su stara jalovišta i napuštene deponije često veći izvor zagađenja od aktivnih postrojenja, jer su decenijama izložene kiši, snijegu, vjetru i drugim vremenskim uticajima.

Dugotrajnu izloženost šestovalentnim hromom opisuje kao zdravstveni rizik sa često nepovratnim posljedicama: od karcinoma pluća, sinusa i gastrointestinalnog trakta, do oštećenja jetre, bubrega, DNK, poremećaja štitne žlijezde i razvoja djece.

Rijeka Krivaja kao osjetljiv sistem

Dalibor Ballian, profesor na Šumarskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Sarajevu i dopisni član Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, upozorava da bi izgradnja rudnika hroma u slivu rijeke Krivaje imala ozbiljne posljedice po lokalne ekosisteme.

„Izgradnjom novog rudnika hroma gubimo floru i faunu, ali i čist vazduh i vodu. Stanje rijeke Krivaje bilo bi takvo da u njoj ne bi bilo ni ribe ni rakova — ne bi bilo čak ni bakterija. Ako se ovaj rudnik izgradi, biće to ekološka atomska bomba za okolno područje i rijeku Krivaju, jer će sve u radijusu od oko 120 kilometara, uključujući sve veće gradove u Bosni i Hercegovini, biti zagađeno heksavalentnim hromom, koji je izuzetno toksičan za ljudsko zdravlje“, naglašava Ballian.

Sa njim je suglasan i profesor Karamehić:

„Kontaminacija se može širiti širokim područjem, Posebno ako se radi o velikom prostoru — od Vareša pa u radijusu od 50, a vjerovatno i do 100 kilometara — gdje bi zagađenje moglo imati ozbiljne i dugotrajne posljedice po zdravlje ljudi i okoliš“.

Slična upozorenja dolaze i od Muriza Spahića, jednog od vodećih hidrologa u Bosni i Hercegovini i bivšeg profesora Prirodno-matematičkog fakulteta Univerziteta u Sarajevu. On pojašnjava da se šestovalentni hrom može pojaviti kao nusprodukt rudarstva i brzo proširiti kroz karbonatne masive, dospijevajući do izvorišta pitke vode.

„Toksin se taloži u sedimentu, ulazi u lanac ishrane, a šteta može biti dugotrajna i teško popravljiva“, upozorava Spahić.

Ekološke organizacije zbog toga insistiraju da se projekat ne posmatra isključivo kao investicija, već kao pitanje javnog zdravlja za cijeli sliv Krivaje, od Vareša do nizvodnih gradova.

Kritični mineral i kritični prostor

Hrom je ključna sirovina za nerđajući čelik, infrastrukturu obnovljivih izvora energije i električna vozila, ali i za vojnu industriju. Zbog toga je uvršten u paket kritičnih sirovina Evropske unije.

U teoriji, rudnik hroma u Bosni i Hercegovini mogao bi se uklopiti u evropsku razvojnu strategiju. U praksi, upozorava Dalibor Ballian, planirani zahvat nalazi se u jednom od ekološki najvrednijih šumskih područja u zemlji.

„To nisu degradirane površine, već visoko produktivne šume. Kada se mineralna osnova ukloni, njihova obnova traje generacijama“, ističe Ballian.

Prema dostupnim podacima, koncesiono područje obuhvata oko 3.200 hektara između postojećeg rudnika Rupice i planirane lokacije u Duboštici.

U evropskoj praksi, ovakve projekte prate javne koncesije, nezavisni okolišni i zdravstveni monitoring – uključujući mjerenja šestovalentnog hroma te finansijske garancije za sanaciju.

Izostanak tih mehanizama u ranoj fazi često se kasnije pokazuje kao strukturna slabost sistema upravljanja resursima.

Koncesija bez uvida, pitanja bez odgovora

Dok se na terenu probijaju šumski putevi i izvode istražni radovi, koncesioni ugovor za Dubošticu–Tribiju kod bosanskog grada Vareša i dalje nije javno dostupan.

Organizacije civilnog društva i novinari mjesecima pokušavaju da dođu do ugovora potpisanog između kompanije Seven Plus (danas Vareški minerali) i Vlade Zeničko-dobojskog kantona. Odgovori institucija, od odbijanja do pozivanja na „poslovne tajne“, onemogućili su uvid u dokument koji bi, prema propisima, trebao biti javan.

Zbog toga su 49 organizacija i lokalnih zajednica iz sliva Krivaje uputile Otvoreni poziv Vladi ZDK sa zahtjevom za raskid koncesije. Jedan od potpisnika, Davor Šupuković iz eko udruženja „Fojničani“, navodi da je ključni problem nepoštovanje ugovorenih rokova.

„Radovi nisu započeti u ugovorenom roku, a ipak su naknadno predstavljeni kao započeti. To otvara osnov za raskid koncesije“, kaže Šupuković.

Prema njegovim navodima, javnosti je poznato tek da kontinuirana koncesiona naknada iznosi 0,76 eura po toni rude, odnosno jednokratno 76,7 eura po hektaru zemljišta, dok puni sadržaj ugovora ostaje skriven.

Prema odlukama Ustavnog suda BiH i visokog predstavnika, raspolaganje državnom imovinom — uključujući šume, zemljište i prirodne resurse — ograničeno je do donošenja državnog zakona o državnoj imovini, a taj režim važi na teritoriji cijele zemlje. OHR ima mandat da interveniše upravo u situacijama u kojima politički dogovor izostaje, što pitanje državne imovine čini jednim od najosjetljivijih ustavno-pravnih problema u BiH.

Uprkos tom okviru, radovi na šumskom zemljištu u državnom vlasništvu u Varešu započeli su bez saglasnosti Pravobranilaštva BiH. Federalna šumarska inspekcija je 20. avgusta 2025. godine zatražila mišljenje Pravobranilaštva o zakonitosti dozvola za sječu i prenamjenu šumskog zemljišta, ali do trenutka objave ovog članka odgovor nije dostavljen, a investitor je nastavio sa aktivnostima.

Dio pravnih stručnjaka i organizacija civilnog društva ovakav postupak dovodi u vezu sa mogućim kršenjem odluka Ustavnog suda BiH i mandata visokog predstavnika.

„Odluke su donesene bez javne rasprave i bez učešća lokalne zajednice, na osnovu odluke Opštinskog vijeća Vareša, što otvara ozbiljna pitanja usklađenosti sa važećim pravnim okvirom“, navodi Davor Šupuković.

Upiti redakcije Gerila upućeni Ministarstvu privrede ZDK rezultirali su opštim odgovorima bez pojašnjenja ključnih spornih tačaka, Kabinet premijera ZDK, kao ni kompanija „Vareški minerali“, do objave teksta nisu odgovorili na naša pitanja.

Pravna praznina kao obrazac

Za Davora Šupukovića, slučaj Duboštica–Tribija nije izolovan, već dio šireg obrasca u kojem se normativne praznine i slab institucionalni nadzor koriste kao okvir za pokretanje investicija u ekološki osjetljivim područjima.

Prema njegovim riječima, važeći prostorni plan iz perioda bivše države predviđao je zaštitu ovog područja, uključujući rijeku Krivaju, dok novi Prostorni plan Federacije BiH nikada nije usvojen. Taj pravni vakuum, navodi, omogućava različita tumačenja i selektivnu primjenu pravila, posebno kada je riječ o najvrednijim prirodnim resursima.

Šupuković podsjeća da su slični investicioni pokušaji zabilježeni i na drugim lokalitetima, poput planine Ozren, gdje su projekti zaustavljeni nakon otpora lokalne zajednice. U tom kontekstu, pritisci na aktiviste i mještane u pojedinim sredinama već su dokumentovani kroz krivične prijave i službene zabilješke, zbog čega dio sagovornika insistira na anonimnosti.

„Ne osporava se razvoj, već se insistira na zakonitim, transparentnim i institucionalno kontrolisanim investicijama“, zaključuje Šupuković.

Struka i granice „zelenog rudarstva“

Dok kantonalne vlasti projekat predstavljaju kao razvojnu priliku, dio stručne javnosti upozorava da se termini poput „modernog“ i „zelenog rudarstva“ često koriste bez jasnih i provjerljivih mehanizama zaštite okoliša.

Profesor Ballian navodi da Bosna i Hercegovina već ima oko 100.000 hektara zemljišta formalno označenog kao rekultivisano, koje u praksi nosi obilježja industrijski degradiranog prostora. U tom kontekstu, dodatnih 3.200 hektara od Rupica do Duboštice ulazi u novi koncesioni obuhvat.

„Obnova šumskih i vodnih ekosistema nakon rudarenja mjeri se decenijama, a potpuni povratak u prvobitno stanje u postojećim institucionalnim okvirima nije realan“, upozorava Ballian.

Slične rezerve dolaze i iz rudarske struke.

Aziz Kaknjašević, rudarski inženjer iz Olova, ističe da planirani projekat nosi višestruke izvore potencijalnog zagađenja, uz otvorena pitanja zakonitosti i usklađenosti sa odlukama Ustavnog suda BiH.

Tvrdnje o „kontrolisanom“ ili „zelenom“ rudarenju hroma u osjetljivim ekosistemima su, prema ocjeni stručnjaka, duboko problematične i u praksi gotovo nedostižne. One se, kako upozorava profesorica Dr Dragana Đorđević, zasnivaju na pokušajima tehničkog umanjivanja pojedinih rizika, ali ne i njihove eliminacije – posebno kada je riječ o šestovalentnom hromu.

Čak i u slučajevima kada se eksploatiše samo hromit kao glavni rudni mineral hroma i kada se rudarski otpad formalno „kontrolisano“ odlaže, samo izlaganje minerala vazduhu, vodi i zemljištu pokreće prirodne hemijske reakcije koje se ne mogu zaustaviti. Rudarski otpad, naglašava, ostaje u prostoru desetinama, pa i stotinama godina, dok su projekti „kontrole“ najčešće vremenski ograničeni na nekoliko decenija.

“Garantovati hemijsku stabilnost miliona tona jalovine tokom tako dugog perioda – pod uticajem padavina, mraza, promjena pH vrijednosti i bioloških procesa – nije realno”, ističe Đorđević.

Kontrola erozije i oticanja, dodaje, moguća je samo uz stalno, aktivno održavanje i nadzor i nakon zatvaranja rudnika, što otvara ključno pitanje odgovornosti.

Ko će finansirati i nadzirati takav sistem narednih 100 ili 1.000 godina? Iskustva iz svijeta, navodi, pokazuju da se tzv. „pasivno održavanje“ nakon odlaska investitora često pretvara u napuštanje, naročito u uslovima ekstremnih vremenskih događaja, poplava velikih razmjera, zemljotresa, institucionalnog sloma ili bankrota vlasnika.

„Kad se sve ovo sagleda, postaje jasno da ‘zeleno rudarstvo’ postoji uglavnom na papiru“, zaključuje ona.

Lokalna perspektiva: Iskustvo i nepovjerenje

Zabrinutost da se Bosna i Hercegovina sve češće posmatra kao prostor za intenzivnu eksploataciju resursa prisutna je među stanovnicima Vareša.

Miroslav Pejčinović, predsjednik inicijativnog odbora udruženja „Opstanak“, nastalog upravo iz bojazni zbog posljednica rudarenja hromom, navodi da je protivljenje rudniku hroma proizašlo iz iskustava sa postojećim rudnikom Rupice.

On ukazuje i na obrazac kojim se, prema njegovom mišljenju, pokušava obezbijediti društvena prihvatljivost projekta — kroz donacije lokalnim sportskim i kulturnim kolektivima — uz napomenu da se vrijednost resursa ne vraća zajednici kroz koncesione naknade.

„Ako se ovaj model nastavi, Bosna i Hercegovina rizikuje da postane prostor u kojem se prioritet daje eksploataciji, a ne dugoročnom razvoju i očuvanju zajednica“, kaže on.

Hrom i vojna industrija: otvoreno pitanje

Pored ekoloških i pravnih aspekata, dio potpisnika inicijative otvara i pitanje krajnje namjene rude. Prema dostupnim informacijama, hrom iz planiranog rudnika mogao bi se koristiti u vojnoj industriji, za proizvodnju specijalnih čelika.

Podaci Američkog geološkog zavoda (USGS) potvrđuju da se hrom i ferohrom smatraju strateškim materijalima zbog primjene u oklopnim vozilima, vojnim konstrukcijama, mlaznim motorima i gasnim turbinama.

Aktivista Davor Šupuković u tom kontekstu postavlja pitanje koje prevazilazi tehničke i ekonomske okvire:

„Treba li Bosna i Hercegovina, kao postratno društvo, učestvovati u lancima proizvodnje vojne industrije?“

Institucionalni odgovor: inicijativa u Skupštini ZDK

Inicijativa za raskid koncesionog ugovora za područje Duboštica–Tribija, koju su pokrenule lokalne zajednice i organizacije civilnog društva iz slivarijeke Krivaje, dobila je nedavno i svoj institucionalni nastavak u Skupštini Zeničko-dobojskog kantona.

Na 46. sjednici Skupštine ZDK, održanoj 27. Novembra ove godine, Damir Memić, šef Kluba poslanika SDP-a, uputio je inicijativu u skupštinsku proceduru, pozivajući se na zahtjeve građana i dokumentovane primjedbe na postupak dodjele i realizacije koncesije.

Time je pitanje planiranog rudnika hroma prvi put formalno otvoreno na kantonalnom političkom nivou. Dalji tok zavisiće od stava skupštinske većine i procjene nadležnih institucija o zakonitosti postojećeg ugovora.

Šta nam govori Albanija: Bulqiza kao ogledalo budućnosti

Nekoliko stotina kilometara jugoistočno, u albanskoj Bulqizi, eksploatacija hroma traje decenijama i često se navodi kao primjer šta se dešava kada se rudarstvo širi brže od institucionalnog nadzora. Bulqiza nije priča o prošlosti, već o akumuliranim posljedicama dugotrajne eksploatacije u sistemu sa desetinama operatera i složenim mozaikom dozvola.

Po dolasku u grad, najupečatljiviji utisak ne ostavljaju rudarska okna, već lica ljudi.

„Jesi li vidio lica ljudi kad si ulazio u grad?“, pitao je našeg novinara rudar Luli Alla.

„Izborana, umorna, iscrpljena. Gotovo svaka porodica ovdje ima barem jednog člana koji radi u rudniku.“

Rudar opisuje zajednicu u kojoj „skoro svaka porodica“ ima nekoga zaposlenog u rudnicima, dodajući da, prema njegovom iskustvu, mnogi rudari nakon godina teškog rada ne dožive starost.

U oblasti Dibër, ispod grada se nalazi jedno od najvećih nalazišta hroma u Evropi, dok je na površini vidljiv kontrast između mineralnog bogatstva i socijalnih uslova.

Istovremeno, institucionalni kapaciteti za sistematsko praćenje okolišnih i društvenih posljedica ostaju ograničeni: Opština Bulqiza potvrđuje da ne vodi zvanični registar pritužbi građana povezanih s uticajem rudnika na svakodnevni život.

Iako je Albanija otvorila pregovore u okviru Klastera 4, koji uključuje i Poglavlje 27 evropskog zakonodavstva u oblasti zaštite okoliša – a koje podrazumijeva veću transparentnost, snažniji nadzor nad okolišem i efikasnije inspekcije – slučaj Bulqize pokazuje koliko je ovaj proces složen u sredinama u kojima su rudarske aktivnosti godinama prethodile uspostavljanju mehanizama kontrole.

Bulqiza: Grad i rudnik kao jedan sistem

Bulqiza se nalazi u uskoj dolini Dibarskog gorja, na terenu građenom od ultrabazičnih, serpentinitnih stijena. Rudarske galerije počinju iznad urbanog jezgra, a obronci i prostori između naselja okruženi su jalovinom i sterilnim materijalom koji se taložio decenijama. Poruka terena je jasna: rudnik nije „pored“ grada — on je njegov sastavni dio.

Eksploatacija hroma započela je 1948. godine. Za 75 godina postojanja, iz masiva Bulqize izvađeno je više od 15 miliona tona hromne rude, čime je područje više od pola vijeka bilo glavni rudarski centar Albanije.

Nakon devedesetih, prelaskom na tržišnu ekonomiju, rudarski masiv je fragmentisan na desetine parcela, a vlasti su izdale veliki broj dozvola. Jedan rudarski stručnjak i stanovnik Bulqize (anoniman, zbog profesionalnih i institucionalnih posljedica) taj prelom opisuje ovako:

„Nakon devedesetih rudnik je isjeckan i izgubljen je tehnički lanac. Stare galerije se koriste bez kontrole, sa zajedničkim ulazima, a mnoge firme ne poštuju osnovne protokole. To je povećalo rizike i za radnike i za okoliš.“

Prema njegovim riječima, dijelovi starih galerija ostali su neobilježeni i konstruktivno nesigurni, dok je vodovodna linija Zone D, koja vodi od Galerije B do Galerije A, u izuzetno lošem stanju, sa dotrajalim cijevima koje su duž čitave trase prema gradskim rezervoarima ostavljene izložene. On dodaje da se zagađena voda iz pojedinih tunela ispušta ispod grada bez sistematskog mjerenja, monitoringa ili sanacije.

„Znamo da je hrom osnova ekonomije Bulqize, ali je život u gradu postao sve teži“, dodaje.

127 dozvola na jednom masivu

Nacionalna agencija za prirodne resurse Albanije (AKBN) saopštila je portalu Faktoje.al 12. novembra 2025. godine da je na masivu Bulqize trenutno aktivno 116 rudarskih dozvola. Godine 2018. taj broj je iznosio čak 127.

Analiza izdatih dozvola pokazuje izrazito fragmentisan rudarski sistem. Veliki broj dozvola dodijeljen je u periodu između 1999. i 2008. godine, tokom rane liberalizacije sektora. Danas istovremeno djeluje više operatera unutar istih geoloških tijela i oko zajedničkih rudarskih okana. Nadzor je dodatno otežan kombinovanjem dozvola za eksploataciju rude i dozvola za odlaganje jalovine (sterilnog materijala), čime se odgovornost raspršuje među različitim akterima.

„Kada je rudnik razbijen na male cjeline, tehnički lanac se raspao. To je povećalo rizike i za radnike i za okoliš“, navodi iskusni rudarski stručnjak iz Bulqize, koji je tražio anonimnost zbog profesionalnih i institucionalnih pritisaka.

Institucionalne slijepe tačke: Nadzor bez stvarne kontrole

Na papiru, regulatorni okvir djeluje razrađeno, ali je u praksi nadzor nad rudarstvom fragmentisan i slabo koordinisan.

Nacionalna agencija za prirodne resurse (AKBN) nadzire izdavanje dozvola, tehničko-ekonomske planove i finansijske garancije za sanaciju, ali, prema vlastitim navodima, ne prati zagađenje niti upravljanje rudarskim otpadom, već se zadržava na tehničkoj usklađenosti dozvola.

Istovremeno, Nacionalna agencija za okoliš (AKM) nadzire uglavnom operatere sa važećim okolišnim dozvolama, što znači da aktivnosti bez dozvole ostaju izvan institucionalnog nadzora.

Inspekcije rada i socijalne zaštite fokusirane su na bezbjednost na radu i radna prava, bez mandata da procjenjuju ukupni okolišni i zdravstveni uticaj rudarstva.

U takvom sistemu, u kojem nijedna institucija nema uvid u kompletan rudarski lanac, odgovornost je rasuta, a stvarna kontrola ograničena.

Ključni problem je sistemska rasutost odgovornosti: nema institucije sa mandatom da prati kompletan rudarski lanac.

Bez nadzora na terenu: Praznine u okolišnom monitoringu

Podaci Nacionalne agencije za okoliš (AKM) pokazuju da u Bulqizi ne postoje stanice za praćenje kvaliteta vazduha i vode. Istovremeno, prema navodima AKM-a, u posljednjih pet godina izrečene su samo dvije administrativne mjere licenciranim operaterima — kompanijama Albtani 08 Konstruksion i Global Enterprise Group — zbog kršenja uslova dozvola, nedostavljanja obavezne dokumentacije i nepravilnosti u vezi s rudarskim otpadom.

Nasuprot tome, lokalni stručnjak koji je tražio anonimnost tvrdi da se uslovi okolišnih dozvola često krše, te da je oko 80 odsto kontrolisanih kompanija zatečeno u prekršajima ili bez važeće dozvole tokom nadzora Ministarstva okoliša, dok su uprkos tome nastavile s radom.

Tokom posljednjeg kvartala 2024. godine, AKM je izrekla 26 administrativnih mjera kompanijama koje posluju u Bulqizi zbog nepoštovanja okolišnih propisa. Ovaj nagli porast ukazuje i na razmjere problema, ali i na pretežno reaktivan karakter postojećeg nadzora.

Lokalne vlasti: Ograničena uloga

Opština Bulqiza potvrđuje da ne vodi registar prijava zagađenja građana. Opštinske službe navode da se aktivnosti „uglavnom odvijaju u udaljenim planinskim područjima“, zbog čega nemaju evidentirane prijave na lokalnom nivou. Opština nema nadležnost nad okolišnim dozvolama (u nadležnosti Ministarstva turizma i okoliša), niti su organizovane javne rasprave lokalno.

Iz Opština Bulqiza takođe navode da ne raspolažu podacima o zagađenju pitke vode niti o kontaminaciji zemljišta kao posljedici rudarstva. Dodatno potvrđuju da ne postoje planovi hitnog reagovanja, strategije preseljenja stanovništva, niti dugoročna razvojna vizija za period nakon iscrpljivanja rezervi hroma.

Nacionalni inspektorat za teritorijalnu zaštitu (IKMT) navodi da je Direkcija za okolišnu i vodnu inspekciju uspostavljena tek krajem 2020. godine, što znači da je raniji institucionalni nadzor bio vrlo ograničen.

Od osnivanja Direkcije, IKMT je sproveo 12 inspekcijskih nadzora u rudarskoj zoni Bulqize, nakon kojih su administrativne mjere izrečene protiv osam kompanija (npr. zbog nelegalnog odlaganja inertnog otpada i drugih kršenja okolišnih propisa). Istovremeno, inspektorat potvrđuje da nijedan rudarski pogon nikada nije obustavljen zbog zagađenja okoliša ili ugrožavanja bezbjednosti.

Decenija nesreća i slaba zaštita radničkih prava

Najdetaljniji institucionalni uvid u stanje bezbjednosti u rudarstvu Bulqize dolazi iz podataka Inspektorata za rad i socijalne usluge. Prema zvaničnim statistikama, od januara 2016. do septembra 2025. godine sprovedene su 804 inspekcije u sektoru rudarstva i kamenoloma u okrugu Dibër.

Većina inspekcija (73%) bila je planirana, dok je 26% pokrenuto nakon nesreća na radu, a tek 2% po prijavama samih radnika. U istom periodu zabilježene su 194 nesreće na radu, od kojih je 31 bila smrtonosna.

Inspektorat navodi da je nakon nesreća u 85% slučajeva izrečena neka od administrativnih mjera — od upozorenja i privremenih obustava rada do novčanih kazni. Ukupno je izrečeno 596 sankcija, od čega se najveći dio odnosi na upozorenja (63%), dok su obustave rada zbog kršenja bezbjednosnih pravila i teških povreda radnih prava činile oko trećine mjera. Ukupan iznos novčanih kazni iznosio je 7,73 miliona leka (oko 73.000 eura).

Najčešće utvrđeni propusti odnosili su se na nepostojanje ili zastarjele procjene rizika, nefunkcionalne mehanizme zaštite na radu, izostanak medicinske službe i neadekvatnu primjenu zaštitne opreme. Zbirni podaci ukazuju na sistem koji reaguje nakon nesreća, iako je rudarstvo u Bulqizi formalno klasifikovano kao sektor izuzetno visokog rizika.

Ograničen nadzor javnog zdravlja

Institut za javno zdravstvo Albanije (ISHP) potvrđuje da u Bulqizi najmanje deset godina nije rađena analiza pijaće vode na heksavalentni hrom, već isključivo na ukupni hrom, u skladu s nacionalnim standardima. Svi analizirani uzorci, prema tim kriterijima, bili su u dozvoljenim granicama.

ISHP takođe navodi da ne sprovodi sistematske ljekarske preglede rudara, niti programe profesionalnog zdravlja ili rehabilitacije. Epidemiološki nadzor ograničen je na opšte registre nezaraznih bolesti. Dostavljeni podaci pokazuju da u Bulqizi dominiraju kardiovaskularne bolesti i karcinomi, zatim traume i respiratorna oboljenja.

Ministarstvo zdravlja je potvrdilo da ne raspolaže podacima o profesionalnim oboljenjima rudara, navodeći da ta nadležnost spada u domen Inspektorata rada.

Nadzor izostaje tamo gdje je najpotrebniji

Ministarstvo infrastrukture i energetike, nadležno za dozvole, tehničke inspekcije, podizvođače, planove zatvaranja rudnika i procjene rezervi hroma, nije odgovorilo na zahtjeve za pristup informacijama koje je portal Faktoje uputio 29. oktobra 2025. godine.

Time su ostali nedostupni podaci o koncesionarima, operaterima bez okolišnih dozvola, neformalnim podizvođačima, planovima sanacije, tehničkim inspekcijama u posljednjih pet godina i nadzoru nad izvršavanjem ugovornih obaveza. Posmatrano u cjelini, sistem u Bulqizi pokazuje strukturnu fragmentaciju, u kojoj nijedna institucija nema uvid u kompletan ciklus eksploatacije.

Albanski okolišni stručnjak Danjel Bica upozorava da, iako su kompanije zakonski obavezne da plaćaju okolišne takse i finansijske garancije, nijedna galerija niti degradirano područje u Bulqizi nije u potpunosti sanirano nakon decenija eksploatacije. Kao ključne slabosti navodi samoprijavljivanje kompanija, rijetke inspekcije i izostanak nezavisne provjere.

Iako se hrom u Bulqizi pretežno javlja kao trovalentni hrom, nijedna institucija nije analizirala mogućnost njegove oksidacije u heksavalentni hrom u rudničkim vodama — što potvrđuju i podaci ISHP-a.

„Bez ciljane analize na šestovalentni hrom nije moguće procijeniti stvarni uticaj rudarstva na kvalitet vode“, upozorava Bica.

Jalovina kao trajni rizik

Poseban problem predstavlja nekontrolisano odlaganje jalovine, koja se decenijama taložila u blizini okana, na strmim padinama i uz naselja. Takva praksa povećava rizike od erozije, klizišta i zagađenja voda.

Terenska dokumentacija koju je prikupio portal Faktoje pokazuje masivne gomile jalovine koje mijenjaju prirodne površine.

Nacionalna agencija za prirodne resurse (AKBN) potvrđuje da su kompanije same odgovorne za nadzor nad otpadom, dok se sistem u velikoj mjeri oslanja na samoprijavljivanje.

Preklapanje nadležnosti dodatno slabi nadzor: AKBN ne procjenjuje zagađenje, AKM nadzire samo operatere s dozvolama, Opština ne vodi evidenciju pritužbi, a IKMT navodi da nikada nije obustavio rad rudnika zbog štete po okoliš.

Lokalni novinar Sami Curri, koji više od decenije prati Bulqizu, opisuje grad u kojem su ekonomska zavisnost, strah i institucionalna nevidljivost oblikovali svakodnevni život.

Prema njegovim riječima, prostor za javno istupanje gotovo da ne postoji, a nesreće se rijetko procesuiraju do kraja. U prosjeku, dva do tri rudara godišnje gube život, a odgovornost se često prebacuje na radnike.

Iako su zdravstvene ustanove dužne da prijave teške povrede, rudari rijetko govore javno zbog straha od gubitka posla ili stigmatizacije. Curri navodi da vidljivo zagađenje vazduha i degradacija zemljišta postoje, ali da nijedna institucija nije izdala formalno upozorenje o teškim metalima u pijaćoj vodi.

Na pitanje da li Bulqiza ima stvarnu korist od rudarstva, njegov odgovor je kratak:

„Ne.“

Prema njegovim riječima, godišnja rudarska renta od 150.000 do 200.000 eura nije dovoljno ni da se izgradi dva kilometra puta.

Zašto ljudi ćute

Naši sagovornici navode da je strah ključni faktor javnog života u Bulqizi. Dugogodišnji rudar Luli Alla objašnjava da se ljudi rijetko oglašavaju jer veliki broj porodica direktno zavisi od rudnika.

„Ovo je mali grad. Ljudi pamte ko je šta rekao.“

Porodice rudara koji su stradali u smrtonosnim nesrećama takođe insistiraju na anonimnosti. Jedna udovica poginulog rudara odbila je razgovor za medije, navodeći da prethodna pažnja javnosti nije dovela do promjena, već je samo ponovo otvorila ličnu traumu.

Ova svjedočenja ukazuju na zajednicu u kojoj se posljedice rudarstva preživljavaju privatno, dok institucionalni odgovori ostaju ograničeni.

Rudari bez pravnog statusa

Više od decenije pokret Together Movement (LB) zagovara usvajanje posebnog pravnog statusa za rudare u Albaniji, s ciljem obezbjeđivanja zakonske i socijalne zaštite radnika u jednom od najopasnijih sektora u zemlji.

„Rudarstvo je najopasnija profesija u Albaniji i neprihvatljivo je da funkcioniše bez posebnih zakonskih garancija“, kaže aktivista LB-a Emiljando Kita.

Situaciju dodatno otežava slaba sindikalna zastupljenost. Kako ističe Xhuljano Bregasi, aktivista pokreta LB, osnivanje Ujedinjenog sindikata rudara Bulqize (SMBB) 2019. godine dočekano je represijom. Nekoliko sindikalnih lidera, uključujući i predsjednika sindikata, dobilo je otkaz u kompaniji AlbChrome ubrzo nakon osnivanja sindikata.

Godine 2020. pokret je parlamentu podnio peticiju sa više od 11.000 potpisa, tražeći prijevremene penzije, zdravstvenu zaštitu i naknade za profesionalna oboljenja. Institucije nikada nisu dale formalan odgovor, a aktivisti opisuju godine prebacivanja odgovornosti između ministarstava.

Prema Kiti, ključni razlog izostanka reforme leži u političkom i fiskalnom trošku, jer bi takav zakon povećao obaveze i za državu i za velike privatne kompanije koje dominiraju sektorom.

Veliki prihodi — ali za koga?

AlbChrome, najveći operater u sektoru rudarenja hroma u Bulqizi, preuzet je u januaru 2022. godine od strane turske kompanije Yıldırım Group, preko svoje rudarske podružnice Yılmaden Holding, nakon što je prethodno bio u vlasništvu albanske BALFIN Group.

Ovim preuzimanjem Bulqiza je snažnije povezana s međunarodnim lancima snabdijevanja Yılmadena, ali radne tenzije nisu prestale. Rudari su i 2025. godine protestovali zbog plata.

Prema podacima Ministarstva finansija Albanije, rudarska renta uplaćena Opštini Bulqiza iznosila je 213 miliona leka (2,13 miliona eura) u periodu od 2015. do septembra 2025. godine. Kako Zakon br. 9975 „O nacionalnim porezima“ predviđa da se svega 5% rudarske rente dodjeljuje lokalnoj samoupravi na čijoj se teritoriji vrši eksploatacija, to znači da je centralna država iz istog izvora u tom periodu prikupila približno 4,26 milijardi leka (42,6 miliona eura).

Ministarstvo ne raspolaže podacima o sanaciji okoliša, korištenju finansijskih garancija niti o lokalnom reinvestiranju prihoda. Lokalni novinar Sami Curri ističe da su iznosi koje prima opština nedovoljni za bilo kakva ozbiljnija infrastrukturna ulaganja.

Albanija je formalno obavezna da uskladi svoje zakonodavstvo s okolišnim direktivama Evropske unije, uključujući pravila o procjeni uticaja na okoliš (EIA), Direktivu o rudarskom otpadu i Okvirnu direktivu o vodama. Evropska komisija je u više navrata pozivala na jačanje inspekcija i nadzora.

Međutim, slučaj Bulqize pokazuje trajan raskorak između propisa i prakse: izostanak zdravstvenog i okolišnog monitoringa, fragmentirane dozvole, nesigurne radne uslove i ograničenu institucionalnu odgovornost.

Dvostruki paradoks: Zelena tranzicija i okolišni pritisci na Zapadnom Balkanu

Iskustva iz Bosne i Hercegovine i Albanije ukazuju na složen odnos između evropskih ekoloških ciljeva i stvarnosti eksploatacije mineralnih resursa. Hrom je ključna sirovina za savremene tehnologije, uključujući obnovljive izvore energije i električna vozila, ali primjeri poput Bulqize pokazuju da njegova eksploatacija može imati ozbiljne posljedice po vode, šumske ekosisteme i kvalitet vazduha, naročito u odsustvu sistematskih studija i kontinuiranog monitoringa.

Evropska unija u strateškim dokumentima naglašava održive lance snabdijevanja i integraciju regiona u zelenu tranziciju. Međutim, pitanje primjene tih principa na terenu ostaje otvoreno, posebno u sredinama sa slabijim institucijama i ograničenim mehanizmima javnog nadzora.

U tom kontekstu, Bosna i Hercegovina se nalazi na prekretnici. Za razliku od Albanije, koja se decenijama suočava s posljedicama intenzivne eksploatacije hroma, BiH tek ulazi u ovu fazu. To otvara mogućnost za postavljanje jasnih standarda i procedura – ili, u slučaju izostanka nadzora, ponavljanje obrazaca već viđenih u regionu.

Zelena tranzicija nije samo tehničko, već i demokratsko pitanje: koliko su lokalne zajednice uključene u odlučivanje, da li su koncesioni ugovori javni i ko definiše javni interes.

U slučaju Vareša, dostupni podaci ne ukazuju na snažan institucionalni odgovor. Lokalne vlasti podržavaju projekat, ali takođe i kriju ključne podatke od lokalnog stanovništvo koje će u budućnosti možda morati da živi pored rudnika, a takođe lokalna zajednica nije imala skoro nikakvu ili vrlo slabu finansijsku korist od prodaje rudnika Rupice.

Na kantonalnom nivou, institucije se duži vremenski period pozivaju na poslovne tajne prilikom uskraćivanja uvida javnosti Bosne i Hercegovine u koncesioni ugovor, dok su reakcije državnih institucija, uključujući Pravobranilaštvo i Ustavni sud BiH, uslijedile kasno ili su čak  izostale.

Zbog toga organizacije civilnog društva i lokalne zajednice insistiraju da se pitanje hroma posmatra kao sistemsko, a ne lokalno – sa implikacijama na kantonalni, entitetski i državni nivo.

Prije nego što posljedice postanu nepovratne…

Za dio lokalne zajednice i organizacija civilnog društva u Varešu, zahtjev je jasan: raskid koncesije, obustava aktivnosti kompanije „Vareški minerali“ i preispitivanje razvojnih modela koji podrazumijevaju trajne okolišne i zdravstvene rizike.

Za investitora, takav ishod znači gubitak uloženog kapitala i reputacioni rizik. Za kantonalne vlasti, to bi podrazumijevalo priznanje da je koncesioni proces vođen uz ozbiljne proceduralne i pravne propuste, uključujući kršenje rokova i ignorisanje odluka Ustavnog suda BiH.

Za stanovnike doline Krivaje, dilema je manje apstraktna. Ona se svodi na pitanje kvaliteta vode, zemljišta i života u narednim decenijama: da li će rijeka ostati dio svakodnevne upotrebe ili će postati industrijski recipijent; da li će šumski ekosistemi ostati očuvani ili će biti trajno izmijenjeni.

U tom kontekstu, inicijativa 49 organizacija i lokalnih zajednica prevazilazi jedan projekat. Ona postavlja šire pitanje institucionalne odgovornosti i sposobnosti države da upravlja prirodnim resursima u javnom interesu.

Iskustvo Bulqize pokazuje šta se dešava kada eksploatacija traje duže od nadzora.

Hoće li Vareš krenuti istim putem ili će ishod biti drugačiji, ostaje odluka koja se donosi sada — i čije će posljedice trajati znatno duže od jednog koncesionog ugovora.

Ovaj prekogranični tekst nastao je u okviru istraživačkog novinarskog projekta novinara Jone Cenameri (redakcija Faktoje.al Tirana, Albanija) i Dejana Rakite (redakcija Gerila.info Banja Luka, Bosna i Hercegovina)

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